Though it has banned the suona from funerals, the local government has also paradoxically launched several initiatives to preserve the suona tradition. Since 2014, it has funded research and documentation of suona music, as well as an intangible cultural heritage protection plan that pairs around 15 masters with students. It also offers suona musicians performance opportunities. But according to Liu, the gigs are too few and too poorly compensated — some only pay 800 to 1,000 yuan ($120 to $150) for an eight-person band. He doesn’t believe that a state-sponsored imitation of the master-apprentice method will be able to sustain the tradition.

News of the crash was reported in mainland Chinese media shortly after it happened, but the story was then rapidly suppressed.[8] Reportedly, Ling Jihua, after viewing the body of the driver at the morgue, denied it was his son.[9] Ling was also said to have mobilized staff from the Central Security Bureau, an organ in charge of national leaders' security which reported into the General Office, to cover up the crash.[10] Chinese media also reported that Ling had contacted Zhou Yongkang, then chief of the powerful Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, to reach unspecified "political deals" in exchange for assistance on covering up the death of his son.[11] Ling then went on to work as normal.[12] In China, Internet search terms such as "Ferrari", "Little Ling" and "Prince Ling" were blocked.[6] In November 2012, an 'exclusive' from the South China Morning Post reported that Jiang Jiemin, a former associate of Zhou Yongkang then serving as chief executive of China National Petroleum Corporation, wired money from the company's accounts to the families of the two women involved in the crash to keep silent about the crash.[5]
ABSTRACT: This paperexploredhow Chinese civil society organizations (CSOs) had been involved in an adolescent reproductive health policy process and its implications for other developing countries with similar political and social contexts. The case study was the 6th cycle of the Country Program on adolescent reproductive health (Jan. 2006-Dec. 2010). It was a multi-phased, retrospective qualitative study in Guangxi autonomous region. Six categories of policy actors including politician, CSO, policy-maker, health manager, development partner and researcher were interviewed, 34 documents were reviewed and 1 participatory stakeholder workshop was held between Jun. 2007 and Apr. 2008. We focused on different CSOs that had been involved in different stages of the policy process, what strategies they had used to interact with the policy process and how they influenced the content and implementation of the policy. Our results showed that new forms of CSOs in China were emerging, with different mechanisms being used to express their voice and influence the policy process. The involvements of CSOs in the adolescent reproductive health policy process also showed how new opportunities were arising in a rapidly changing Chinese political context, but various factors might affect their involvement in policy process. Critical amongst these were the characteristics of the CSOs, the wider political context of the country and the nature of the policy itself.
Ling rose to become the Director of the General Office, an organ that handles day-to-day logistics and bureaucratic functions of the Communist Party, in 2007, when Hu was the party's General Secretary (i.e., paramount leader). He was initially seen as a promising candidate for promotion to the top leadership at the 18th Party Congress in 2012. However, his political fortunes abruptly took a turn when his 23-year-old son was killed while driving a Ferrari in 2012, an event that caused embarrassment for the party elite. Ling was then politically sidelined.
THERE’S NOTHING LIKE visiting Finland to make an English-speaker appreciate the value of words borrowed from other languages. Finnish, as I learned during a trip earlier this month, is an agglutinative language, in which parts of words stay distinct instead of fusing together. This makes for very long words, like “kahdenneksikymmenenneksiyhdeksänneksi” (one way to say “29,” according to my guidebook), and considerable bewilderment for a visitor. To me, it might as well have been Klingon, only with more umlauts. Every now and then, though, a light would shine through the darkness: I’d catch something like “hot jooga” or “muffensi” or “grill maisteri,” and sigh with relief.

Sub-10 nm nanoparticles (NPs) of M(II)-substituted magnetite MxFe3-xO4 (MxFe1-xO•Fe2O3) (M = Mn, Fe, Co, Cu) were synthesized and studied as electrocatalysts for oxygen reduction reaction (ORR) in 0.1 M KOH solution. Loaded on commercial carbon support, these MxFe3-xO4 NPs showed the M(II)-dependent ORR catalytic activities with MnxFe3-xO4 being th...

Li Bingxiang, a suona fan and former Party secretary of a village in Pingyi County, also believes the instrument has fallen victim to the wide net cast to prevent ostentatious funerals. “The main extravagant expenses are the banquet, coffin, and labor costs for a three-day ceremony,” Li says. “There should be a compromise that reaches the government’s goals but also preserves traditions.”
We report a facile halide ion (Cl(-) or Br(-)) mediated synthesis of Fe nanoparticles (NPs) by thermal decomposition of Fe(CO)5. The NP structure is controlled to be either amorphous (in the absence of halide ions) or single crystalline bcc (in the presence of halide ions). Through systematic investigation on the synthetic conditions, we have confi...
We report a facile synthesis of monodisperse ferrimagnetic CoxFe3-xO4 nanocubes (NCs) through thermal decomposition of Fe(acac)3 and Co(acac)2 (acac = acetylacetonate) in the presence of oleic acid and sodium oleate. The sizes of the NCs are tuned from 10-60 nm and their composition is optimized at x = 0.6 to show strong ferrimagnetism with the 20...
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Ling was one of the highest-profile targets (next to Zhou Yongkang and Xu Caihou) of the anti-corruption campaign following the 18th Party Congress spearheaded by Party General secretary Xi Jinping and central discipline chief Wang Qishan. He was the second sitting "national leader"-level figure to be investigated by the party's anti-graft agency, after CPPCC Vice-Chairman Su Rong. Chinese-language media have linked Ling to a mysterious political network composed of prominent politicians and businesspeople with origins in Shanxi called the Xishan Society.[16]