But that imbalance can build resentment. In France, the secretary of the Academie Française called last December for a “reconquest of the French language” from loanwords; in China, government-friendly papers printed screeds this spring against “Wi-Fi,” “VIP,” and “e-mail.” Even as many governments work to protect languages from the spread of English, however, speakers in those countries go blithely off to “hot jooga,” meaning that official policy and the daily reality of English may be very different things.

     Jihui Yang is currently the Kyocera Associate Professor at Materials Science and Engineering Department of the University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.  Prior to joining the University of Washington in the Fall of 2011, he was a Technical Fellow and Lab Group Manager at GM Research and Development Center, responsible for leading GM’s research on Li-ion battery materials and systems; as well as advanced thermoelectric materials and technology development.  


Sometimes purism peaks after a war or in a post-colonial situation. South Korea tried to de-Japanify its language after World War II; the Indian and Pakistani governments tried to separate Hindi and Urdu after their partition. A purist approach can also be a smaller language’s way of resisting outside influence. In Iceland, the Icelandic Language Institute preserves the country’s Viking-era language by cobbling together new terms from indigenous roots. Some Native American groups do the same to resist English.
Ling rose to become the Director of the General Office, an organ that handles day-to-day logistics and bureaucratic functions of the Communist Party, in 2007, when Hu was the party's General Secretary (i.e., paramount leader). He was initially seen as a promising candidate for promotion to the top leadership at the 18th Party Congress in 2012. However, his political fortunes abruptly took a turn when his 23-year-old son was killed while driving a Ferrari in 2012, an event that caused embarrassment for the party elite. Ling was then politically sidelined.
A kind of Ti–Fe–Ni–C compound powder was prepared by a novel precursor pyrolysis process using ferro-titanium, carbonyl nickel powder and sucrose as raw materials. The powder had a very compact structure and was uniform in particle size. The TiC–Fe36Ni composite coatings were simultaneously in-situ synthesized by Reactive Detonation-gun Spraying (RDS) using these Ti-Fe-Ni-C compound powders. The coatings presented typical morphology of thermal spraying coatings with two different areas: one was the area of TiC distribution where the round fine TiC particles (from 300nm to 1μm) were dispersed in the Fe36Ni alloy matrix; the other was the area of TiC accumulation (from 2 to 4μm). The surface hardness of the composite coating reached about 94 ± 2(HR15N).
Ling was one of the highest-profile targets (next to Zhou Yongkang and Xu Caihou) of the anti-corruption campaign following the 18th Party Congress spearheaded by Party General secretary Xi Jinping and central discipline chief Wang Qishan. He was the second sitting "national leader"-level figure to be investigated by the party's anti-graft agency, after CPPCC Vice-Chairman Su Rong. Chinese-language media have linked Ling to a mysterious political network composed of prominent politicians and businesspeople with origins in Shanxi called the Xishan Society.[16] 

Ling began his career as a functionary in regional branches of the Communist Youth League in his native Shanxi Province. His Youth League involvement propelled him to the national-level organization in 1979. At the Youth League Ling worked in its propaganda department and edited its flagship newspaper. Closely following the footsteps of his patron Hu Jintao, Ling was promoted to a leadership position in the General Office of the Communist Party of China in 1999, and became an important member of the State Commission for Public Sector Reform.
ABSTRACT: This paperexploredhow Chinese civil society organizations (CSOs) had been involved in an adolescent reproductive health policy process and its implications for other developing countries with similar political and social contexts. The case study was the 6th cycle of the Country Program on adolescent reproductive health (Jan. 2006-Dec. 2010). It was a multi-phased, retrospective qualitative study in Guangxi autonomous region. Six categories of policy actors including politician, CSO, policy-maker, health manager, development partner and researcher were interviewed, 34 documents were reviewed and 1 participatory stakeholder workshop was held between Jun. 2007 and Apr. 2008. We focused on different CSOs that had been involved in different stages of the policy process, what strategies they had used to interact with the policy process and how they influenced the content and implementation of the policy. Our results showed that new forms of CSOs in China were emerging, with different mechanisms being used to express their voice and influence the policy process. The involvements of CSOs in the adolescent reproductive health policy process also showed how new opportunities were arising in a rapidly changing Chinese political context, but various factors might affect their involvement in policy process. Critical amongst these were the characteristics of the CSOs, the wider political context of the country and the nature of the policy itself.
Lanthanum-transition-metal perovskites with robust meso-scale porous frameworks (meso-LaMO 3) are synthesized through use of ionic liquids. The resultant samples demonstrate a rather high activity for CO oxidation, by taking advantage of unique nanostructure-derived benefits. This synthesis strategy opens up a new opportunity for preparing functional mesoporous complex oxides of various compositions.
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