On May 13, 2016, the No. 1 branch of Tianjin Municipal People's Procuratorate filed suit against Ling on behalf of the state at the No. 1 Intermediate People's Court of Tianjin.[20] On July 4, 2016, after a closed-door trial, Ling was sentenced to life imprisonment. He was convicted on charges of taking bribes, illegally obtaining state secrets and abuse of power. Upon hearing his sentence, Ling read aloud from a prepared script stating that he did not contest the conviction and "thanked" the court and the lawyers for their work, and used a Chinese idiom (kegu mingxi) to describe how unforgettable the trial had been to him.
CO oxidation is an important reaction both experimentally and industrially, and its performance is usually dominated by the surface charge state. For example, CO oxidation on platinum (Pt) surface requires a proper charge state for the balance of adsorption and activation of CO and O2. Here, we present a “Mott−Schottky modulated catalysis” on Pt na...
On May 13, 2016, the No. 1 branch of Tianjin Municipal People's Procuratorate filed suit against Ling on behalf of the state at the No. 1 Intermediate People's Court of Tianjin.[20] On July 4, 2016, after a closed-door trial, Ling was sentenced to life imprisonment. He was convicted on charges of taking bribes, illegally obtaining state secrets and abuse of power. Upon hearing his sentence, Ling read aloud from a prepared script stating that he did not contest the conviction and "thanked" the court and the lawyers for their work, and used a Chinese idiom (kegu mingxi) to describe how unforgettable the trial had been to him.

From August 1983, Ling studied at the Communist Youth League Academy (later China Youth University of Political Studies), majoring in political education. In July 1985, Ling worked in the political theory section of the propaganda department of the Communist Youth League. At that time, Hu Jintao was the First Secretary (i.e., leader), of the Youth League, though it is not clear whether there was direct contact between Ling and Hu. From June 1988, Ling served in various posts in CYL, mostly as part of the CYL Secretariat and the CYL General Office. He also served as editor-in-chief of Chinese Communist Youth League, the primary theory publication of the CYL, and between 1994 and 1995, and the CYL's chief of propaganda.

On September 1, 2012, prior to the transfer of power between Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping at the pivotal 18th Party Congress, Ling was abruptly transferred from his position as General Office chief to become head of the United Front Work Department, an organ considered to be of less importance. This was seen as a demotion for Ling. At the 18th Party Congress held in the fall of 2012, Ling did not gain a seat on the Politburo as expected, nor did he retain his position as Secretary of the Secretariat; this signalled that Ling was excluded from all the major power organs of the party.[11] In March 2013, Ling was elected as one of the Vice-Chairmen of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), barely holding onto his status as a "national leader". In addition, of the 23 candidates standing for confirmation for the CPPCC Vice-Chairmanship, Ling received, by far, the fewest votes in favour. A total of 90 CPPCC delegates voted against Ling, while 22 delegates abstained.[14]

Interface translation: Tomislav Kuzmić (Croatian), Vasudevan Tirumurti, Fahim Razick (Tamil), Matti Tapanainen (Finnish), Ebru Bağlan (Turkish), Arsene Ionuț, Cristina Crisan (Romanian), Daiva Macijauskė (Lithuanian), Tetiana M. (Ukrainian), András Tuna (Hungarian), Jakob Lautrup Nysom (Danish), Andre Abdullin, Elena Zvaritch (Russian), Catherine Györvàry (French), Gab M., Klaus Röthig (Portuguese), Marcin Orzełek (Polish), Stefanija Madzoska, Daniel Matrakoski (Macedonian), Selina Lüdecke, P. H. Claus (German), Vangelis Katsoulas (Greek), Roberto Marchesi (Italian), Robin van der Vliet (Esperanto), Reno Rake (Indonesian), Nahuel Rodríguez (Spanish), Gao Pan (Chinese), Hoài Sang Lăng (Vietnamese)

On September 19, 2007 Ling was promoted to become Director of General Office of the Communist Party of China, the nerve center of the party that was in charge of all manner of administrative activities of the party's central authorities, including communications and leaders' scheduling and agendas. He also became a Secretary of the Central Secretariat, in charge of the implementation of tasks set forth by the party's Politburo.
But that imbalance can build resentment. In France, the secretary of the Academie Française called last December for a “reconquest of the French language” from loanwords; in China, government-friendly papers printed screeds this spring against “Wi-Fi,” “VIP,” and “e-mail.” Even as many governments work to protect languages from the spread of English, however, speakers in those countries go blithely off to “hot jooga,” meaning that official policy and the daily reality of English may be very different things.

Ling was one of the highest-profile targets (next to Zhou Yongkang and Xu Caihou) of the anti-corruption campaign following the 18th Party Congress spearheaded by Party General secretary Xi Jinping and central discipline chief Wang Qishan. He was the second sitting "national leader"-level figure to be investigated by the party's anti-graft agency, after CPPCC Vice-Chairman Su Rong. Chinese-language media have linked Ling to a mysterious political network composed of prominent politicians and businesspeople with origins in Shanxi called the Xishan Society.[16]
In December 2014, Ling was placed under investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (party's anti-graft agency) and removed from office.[2] He was expelled from the Communist Party and tried on charges of corruption, illegal possession of state secrets, and abuse of power, and was sentenced to life imprisonment in July 2016.[3]
Tailoring terminated edge of hexagonal boron nitride (h-BN) for enhancing catalysis has turned to be an imperative for the rational design of a highly active aerobic catalyst. Herein, a tailoring N-terminated porous BN (P-BN) strategy is reported with a zinc (Zn) salt as a dual-functional template. The Zn salt acts as both an in situ template and a...
Yet some young villagers share the government’s objections to suona funeral performances. To 27-year-old Dong Chengcheng, the funeral reforms are a positive step toward easing the burden on younger generations. “Although the price for booking a suona band is not such a big deal, it still costs money,” he explains. With each funeral typically requiring three days of ceremonies and banquets, the expenses add up — especially as family planning policies have left today’s young people with fewer siblings to share the costs.
After Wang took over his grandfather’s band in 2007, he felt immense pressure to sustain the reputation and tradition he had inherited, but prospective clients kept asking for new instruments and styles of music. Eventually, Wang caved, learning the electric keyboard and trumpet and recruiting an opera singer. But work continued to dry up, and Wang now often plays with other bands that have navigated the market more shrewdly.
The recent reforms are not the first time the suona has been subject to the twists and turns of public policy. In the early days after the Communist victory in 1949, Wang’s family band played the suona not only at weddings and funerals but also at state ceremonies for sending recruits off to military service or starting construction on reservoir projects. Suona music was the soundtrack to every important moment. But during the Great Chinese Famine, no one could afford to hire musicians, and the suona was later blacklisted as part of Cultural Revolution campaigns against Confucian heritage. It wasn’t until the reform and opening-up era in the ’80s that the suona was restored to its central role in northeastern culture.
It’s not hard to see why governments would seek to defend their languages. But some linguists think a staunch anti-English stance may be counterproductive. Truly endangered languages tend to be encroached on mostly by their dominant geographic neighbors, says Selma Sonntag, a political scientist at Humboldt State University who studies language purist movements: “The threat isn’t from English, it’s from whatever the official language is within their area.” Linguist David Crystal, author of “English as a Global Language,” has written about how Welsh-language purism may be furthering an elitism that prevents younger speakers from adopting the tongue. And it’s worth noting that English owes much of its vitality to its long history of borrowing from French, Latin, Arabic, and pretty much any other language it met. “Loanwords...do alter [a language’s] character—but is this a bad thing?” Crystal told me. “Imagine English without French or Latin loanwords. No Shakespeare, for a start.”

Ling is married to Gu Liping (谷丽萍), the former director-general of Youth Business China a non-profit program that aims to promote youth entrepreneurship that is headquartered in Beijing. In 2010 she was deputy director of the Ying Public Interest Foundation, a charity sponsored by the Communist Youth League. In that role she reportedly solicited donations for the foundation.[13] Gu was thought to be placed in custody prior to the initiation of the investigation on Ling Jihua.
Ling was one of the highest-profile targets (next to Zhou Yongkang and Xu Caihou) of the anti-corruption campaign following the 18th Party Congress spearheaded by Party General secretary Xi Jinping and central discipline chief Wang Qishan. He was the second sitting "national leader"-level figure to be investigated by the party's anti-graft agency, after CPPCC Vice-Chairman Su Rong. Chinese-language media have linked Ling to a mysterious political network composed of prominent politicians and businesspeople with origins in Shanxi called the Xishan Society.[16]
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